Who makes decisions about development? How do you fight injustice? When is violence justified?
These were some of the questions raised by a presentation by noted Indian human rights activist Kamayani Bali Mahabal in Berkeley in April during a talk titled 'Naxalism, Violence and Development: The Unholy Nexus.' She was discussing her fact-finding mission in Chhattisgarh and other regions affected by the Indian government’s “Operation Green Hunt” against Maoist insurgents – commonly known as Naxalites – in the so-called "Red Corridor."
She visited the site of the Vanvasi Chetna Ashram, near Dantewada, run by Himanshu Kumar, which was completely leveled in May 2009 by a group of 1,000–1,500 police. For 17 years Kumar had worked with the local people in Chhattisgarh helping to provide food, housing, medicine, and job training to those who had been forced from their traditional lands. The rise of a government-funded paramilitary force, “Salwa Judum,” in the area caused alarm; in the course of fighting supposed Naxalite terrorists, the Judum and police were accused of rapes, murders, and other human rights violations. Kumar began filing official complaints on behalf of the victims; as a result, he received a police notice one Saturday to evacuate the next day. Within 2 hours, the ashram was bulldozed. Kumar was charged with aiding the Naxalites, running a prostitution ring (the police found a lot of condoms in the ashram, which Kumar used to teach about HIV and safe sex), and finally kidnapping a tribal woman (who had sought refuge in his home). His trial is still pending.
So why did this happen?
A little background: The regions of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and Andhra Pradesh, among others, are home to the earliest inhabitants of the subcontinent, the “tribal” people or adivasi. Living in isolated groups in central India’s hills and forests, they practiced small-scale agriculture and collective land ownership. But during the Mughal and British periods, their lands were taken away and given to feudal landlords, leaving them impoverished and in debt. At the time of Indian independence, the tribals were recognized as needing special programs to support their development and laws were adopted to protect their rights.
However, it also happens that the traditional adivasi lands are rich in minerals, especially tin, coal, dolomite, bauxite, and iron ore, and international corporations became interested in exploiting that wealth. The Indian government created a plan to remove the people from their lands in order to “protect” them and “bring them into the mainstream.” But the adivasi didn’t want to go.
According to Kamayani Mahabal, India’s 60 years of independence have largely benefited the already-privileged classes. In 1967, the deep, persistent inequalities in Indian society and the ineffective implementation of the laws set up to protect tribal rights led to an uprising by poor farmers in the village of Naxalbari in West Bengal, where there had been a history of peasant agitation. The Naxalbari uprising was put down by the police after a few months and the leaders, some of whom were Maoists, were arrested. But the ideas did not die, and the Naxalite movement grew, even in spite of brutal repression by the police.
Thus the tribals find themselves now in a “sandwich” (to use Bahabal’s term) between the police (and Salwa Judum) and the Naxalites. The government wants to remove them from the land, and the Maoists want to help them get it back. Both sides use violent tactics, and the violence is increasing, with civilians forming the greater percentage of the casualties. But who is a civilian? Recognizing that the tribals are suspicious of outsiders and often speak different languages, the government instituted a force of SPOs (“special police officers”) recruited from among the local people with the promise of a steady paycheck. The Naxalites also recruit from the local people. And the local people sometimes switch allegiances, depending on their needs for livelihood or security.
In her talk, Mahabal made it clear that she opposes violence by any group. She insists that the state has a responsibility to protect its citizens (including the tribals), which they are not doing. Instead of using state resources to fund programs to alleviate poverty and malnutrition, the government is promoting militarism to combat “the greatest single internal security threat” India has ever faced.
So what does she suggest? The Naxalites and the government should have a dialogue.
But do the Naxalites really want to talk? They have said that if a discussion is arranged with Arundhati Roy or a similar supportive celebrity as mediator, they will come. Yet they also say that they do not believe the Indian government supports their interests. They want autonomy, to establish their own state, based on their own principles.
According to Mahabal, the government needs to take the first step. But does the government want to talk? If they initiate a dialogue with the Naxalites, it means elevating them to the status of equals, not of “terrorists.” Will the government allow that?
And who represents the tribal people? If new leaders emerged from among the tribals to speak out against the atrocities, the government would likely arrest them, just as they arrested the activists working with Himanshu Kumar on the ashram, and as they arrested doctor and human rights worker Binayak Sen in 2007.
And what kind of development should take place in these areas? Adivasi culture and land use is protected under India’s Forest Rights Act of 2006, but those protections have largely been ignored. The tribals also suffer from crushing poverty, malnutrition, high maternal death rates, and high rates of suicide. Health and education services are needed, but with the violence and poverty that have characterized adivasi history, in the words of BD Sharma, for the adivasi “development means exploitation.” They need to be an equal partner in any development plans, and as of yet, they are barely even consulted.
Kamayani Bali Mahabal’s presentation in Berkeley was sponsored by AID-India Berkeley Chapter, Hesperian, the UC Berkeley Center for South Asia Studies, and People’s Health Movement USA. She is also an active member of PHM India.